Showing posts with label Broadcasting. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Broadcasting. Show all posts

Better viewed from a distance

Because it is so fundamental to the British establishment's sense of British identity, the BBC can hardly be expected to offer impartial coverage of the Scottish independence referendum, although their coverage of events in Russia would probably be quite fair and balanced because they have no axe to grind.

And the same is true in reverse. Russia Today exists to portray a favourable picture of Russia to the world, and what it says about Russia has to be seen in that light. But its coverage of events outside Russia seems quite fair and balanced. Watch this Sophie Shevardnadze interview with Alex Salmond and judge for yourselves. It's one of the better ones I've seen.

     

Hat-tip to Tris at Munguin's Republic. And, thanks to Frankly, I've found out there's a transcript of the interview here.

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Some sort of Gold Standard? Far from it!

I had to read Rhodri Talfan Davies' speech at the Celtic Media Festival last week several times to try and figure out what he had to say about Radio Cymru, and in the end have had to conclude that he wasn't saying much at all.

But one thing he said strikes me as being at the root of the problem. He said that:

"Welsh language broadcasting is sometimes seen as some sort of gold standard in minority language broadcasting".

Welsh-language broadcasting most definitely isn't any sort of gold standard. If we are looking for a standard to measure ourselves against, then I would suggest that the model of radio broadcasting in Euskadi is very much more appropriate than the model in Wales.

The language situation in Euskadi is very similar to that in Wales. Both countries are about the same size and have about the same proportion of people able to speak Welsh or Euskara. But in terms of radio broadcasting, Wales has only one national radio station broadcasting in Welsh, while Euskadi has three which broadcast in Euskara.
 

     

 
Euskadi Irratia is the original station, which used to carry all content, and now carries talk, news and general broadcasting. But two separate music stations have been added over the years, Gaztea in 1990 and EITB Musika in 2001.

To me it seems self-evident that Radio Cymru's biggest problem is that it cannot possibly cater for all Welsh-speaking audiences at the same time, and therefore I see Rhodri Talfan Davies' launch of a "nationwide conversation" about what it should broadcast as depressingly predicable and rather misdirected. Whatever might be gained in terms of new listeners by including new content will be lost in terms of alienating existing listeners. The emphasis must be on expanding Welsh-language provision rather than re-arranging deckchairs on a boat that cannot stay afloat in its current form.

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The question is whether the BBC is the best organization to deliver it. Spain, like the UK, has a state broadcasting organization called RTVE. Like the BBC, it is good at broadcasting a variety of content across the state but isn't good at regional variations. There was some regional radio provision in the form of RNE Ràdio 4. But because of poor ratings the network was shut down in 1991, and it only now exists in Catalunya where it struggles on with an audience of about 8,500.

The model that has proved far more successful is for broadcasting in the nations and regions to be the responsibility of the governments of the autonomous communities rather than of the central state broadcaster. In Catalunya the public broadcasting corporation is CCMA, in Galicia it is CRTVG, in Andalucía it is RTVA, and in Euskadi it is EITB. Once again, the Basque model might be the best one for Wales to learn from, for as well as radio stations broadcasting in Euskara it also has radio stations which broadcast in Castilian.

A centrally-funded organization is bound to think of itself primarily as a centralized provider, but there is a fundamental conflict of interest if it tries to be both a centralized provider and a vehicle for regional variations at the same time. Spain doesn't have that conflict of interest, the UK does.

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Gweinidog Un

After reading this story I'd encourage our dear Gweinidog Un to follow his namesake and go for a nice ride in the country, just to take his mind off the pressure of deciding what should or shouldn't be broadcast on state-controlled television.

     

The problem is to find any part of the countryside where he'd be welcome.

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Adding to our democratic deficit

This is what Huw Edwards said at the beginning of the first edition of The Wales Report last night:

"We'll be looking at Welsh life in all its diversity and asking searching questions about our future. We'll be talking to those making decisions and the people whose lives are affected by them.

"And yes, that does mean politics, that's essential – but the Wales Report is about more than that. It has to be or you won't be getting the big picture that we've been promising you."

Cutting through the euphemisms, this means the BBC will have ditched Dragon's Eye, a programme devoted to Welsh Politics, and replaced it with a programme in which the focus will be on other things in addition to politics.

So at a time when our political institutions have gained more power over our lives, and are set to gain even more as a result of the Silk Commission, the BBC has decided to give less attention to politics in Wales.

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In addition to this, it appears that the Wales Report is aiming to be a more populist programme, with more emphasis on what viewers have to say through tweets and emails. Of course there's nothing at all wrong with such an approach, but moving in that direction is bound to be detrimental to more specialist in-depth coverage. So we've been hit with a double whammy.

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I'm well aware that the BBC has to cope with cuts and something has to give. But the BBC is not treating Wales in the same way as it treats Scotland. For those who aren't aware of it, Scotland has two significant political opt outs from the BBC's standard UK-wide political coverage:

     The typical format of the Sunday Politics is for the first 30 minutes to
     come from London, then for a 20 minute regional slot, then a return to
     London for the last 10 minutes. Scotland, however, does not take the
     final ten minute slot, but instead continues with Scottish politics for 60
     minutes, so that the total programme length is 90 minutes. The
     additional 30 minutes makes up for the fact that Scotland does not
     have an equivalent to Dragon's Eye/The Wales Report, which is fair and
     equal. But Scotland does get 10 minutes more dedicated political
     reporting than anywhere else in the UK by not taking the final 10
     minute slot from London.

     For most of the UK Newsnight is a 50 minute programme between
     Monday and Thursday. But Scotland only takes the first 30 minutes of
     it, with the remaining 20 minutes of the slot replaced by Newsnight
     Scotland.

Taken together, this means that in a typical week Scotland has exactly the same overall amount of political programming as any other part of the UK. But by opting out of some UK-wide coverage, it has 90 minutes more time devoted specifically to Scottish politics and current affairs than Wales used to get ... and even more than Wales will now receive because the Wales Report will only be partly dedicated to politics. This is grossly unfair to Wales and can only add to our democratic deficit.

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So I would like to renew my call for the BBC to give Wales the same opt outs from UK-wide political programming as they have given Scotland. Why should we be treated so differently? Establishing a Newsnight Wales would be particularly appropriate because the format is geared towards more specialist, in-depth coverage; and this would help to balance the more populist, but equally valid, format of the Wales Report.

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S4C's viewing figures rise again

S4C published its Annual Report yesterday, which people can read for themselves here. This is how the news was reported in the media:

     Dod â gwasanaeth Clirlun S4C i ben
     S4C: Welsh broadcaster to axe high definition service
     S4C faces cuts of 36% and will axe its HD service
     S4C yn gwneud colled o £6 miliwn

But perhaps we can't blame them too much for that, because this is exactly what S4C's own press release had focused on.
     
That's a shame, because for me the more important question is how well the channel has performed in terms of the quality and popularity of its programmes. How many people think S4C's programmes are worth watching?

The good news is that under nearly every measure more people watched the channel in 2011 than in 2010. These figures are from page 46/47 of the report, with the 2010 figures first:

15 minute monthly reach

Across the UK ... 797,000 ... 802,000 ... + 5,000
In Wales ... 607,000 ... 635,000 ... + 28,000
Welsh speakers in Wales ... 241,000 ... 276,000 ... + 35,000

15 minute weekly reach

Across the UK ... 381,000 ... 390,000 ... + 9,000
In Wales ... 309,000 ... 325,000 ... + 16,000
Welsh speakers in Wales ... 149,000 ... 178,000 ... + 29,000

3 minute weekly reach

Across the UK ... 616,000 ... 618,000 ... + 2,000
In Wales ... 467,000 ... 474,000 ... + 7,000
Welsh speakers in Wales ... 197,000 ... 223,000 ... + 26,000

3 minute annual reach

Across the UK ... 5,334,000 ... 5,261,000 ... - 73,000
In Wales ... 2,002,000 ... 2,007,000 ... + 5,000

Online viewing sessions

1,600,000 ... 2,500,000 ... + 900,000

S4C Annual Report, 2011

These increases follow on from similar increases last year, as I noted here.

So whatever criticisms we might have of S4C and the way it's been treated over the past year or so, it is clearly getting some things right.

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A Subservient S4C

I am not entirely surprised by the reaction of S4C to the funding deal that has recently been announced, but I am very disappointed by it. To me, the S4C Authority has lost all backbone in standing up for itself. The change of Chair and the announcement of a new Chief Executive seems if anything to have given it a more supine attitude. This is an organization that has not only accepted a position of subservience to the BBC, but seems satisfied with it.

I've written about S4C on may occasions (click here for the posts), but reducing this to three bullet points:

•  S4C should not have escaped cuts to funding, but those cuts should not have been more severe than for the BBC
•  a replacement funding formula needed to be agreed and set out in law
•  S4C should have complete independence from the BBC

Against each of these criteria, S4C has come out badly.
 

Proportionate cuts

As I noted in this post in May, S4C has suffered a cut in funding of about 24% compared with the BBC's cut of 16% [as Dai Toms notes in the comments below, the actual BBC cut is less than this, making the discrepancy worse than I thought]. Nothing has happened to change this fundamental unfairness in the way the two public service broadcasters have been treated. When I wrote that post, the Welsh Affairs Select Committee had just published its report, in which they made exactly the same point:

98.  Any reduction in S4C’s funding should be comparable to other public service broadcasters. We call on the DCMS to ensure that this is the case.

As I said at the time, the deal had been agreed between the BBC and DCMS, so the best way of dealing with the shortfall would be to increase the DCMS subvention. I reckoned this would be in the order of £10m, but the Tories and LibDems on the WASC failed to get even this concession from their government.
 

A replacement funding formula

In the BBC/DCMS agreement, funding for S4C was only set out until 2015. It did not address long-term funding. I agree entirely with what the WASC had to say on the matter in their report:

100.  We recommend that the Government confirms the funding of S4C beyond 2014-15 as soon as possible. Without this certainty, S4C will not reasonably be able to develop its future strategy. Therefore, we believe that it is essential that there is a long term funding formula enacted in primary legislation.

Again, the Westminster government has completely ignored this recommendation. What we have is a situation in which the proportion of S4C's funding received from the television licence fee after 2015 will be entirely determined by the BBC without reference to anyone else.

There is no reason for S4C to have accepted this as passively as they have. The sanction open to S4C was that if it could not agree a funding arrangement with the BBC it could refuse it and the licence fee would be reduced by an equivalent amount. This would mean that the BBC would not get an unfair windfall by using S4C's money for something else; but would have meant that S4C would need to be funded by the Treasury through general taxation as it has been up to now. Of course there might be disagreement on what that sum should be, but it would at least have been decided by a democratically elected government rather than an unelected BBC.

Yet S4C has rolled over and agreed to give this up and put itself entirely at the mercy of the BBC for the bulk of its future funding. I think they are complete fools to do this. Of course the figures announced for 2016 and 2017 are not too bad (although they're not too good either, for although the licence fee is frozen the number of licences increases by about 100,000 each year) but there is absolutely no guarantee what the BBC will do when its next funding settlement is agreed for the period after 2017.

As I've said before, I think the idea of S4C getting the bulk of its funding from the television licence fee is a clever idea, for if done with the right safeguards it would ensure that the BBC and S4C, as publicly funded public service broadcasters, would in future be treated equally. In my opinion what should have been agreed was that S4C would receive a fixed percentage of the licence fee income. S4C have now contracted themselves into a future funding relationship with the BBC without having any idea what the BBC will do after 2017. They've shown all the gullibility of someone suckered into a long term contract purely on the basis that they get a good deal for the first few months.
 

Independence from the BBC

The consequences of letting the BBC decide S4C's funding are severe. If the television licence fee had been top-sliced as recommended by the WASC, S4C would have been free to do what it wanted with the money, subject only to its proper democratic accountability to government. But because S4C has now allowed the BBC to determine its income, it becomes necessary for the BBC to have representation within S4C to see that what it will now regard as its own money is well spent. The idea is as ridiculous as letting representatives from rival television channels such as ITV, Channel 4, Channel 5 and Sky have representation on the board of the BBC. And although the details are not entirely clear, the BBC will also have a say on the appointment of the other members of the Authority.

If the BBC are allowed to put their own representative on the S4C Authority and influence the make up of the remainder of the S4C authority, then S4C is no longer independent, irrespective of the funding arrangements.

For all the BBC's protestations about allowing S4C to be independent, what the BBC mean is operational independence, in BBC-speak, that's the same sort of independence that, say, BBC2 has within the BBC. That's not independence, that's a very short leash.

     

At this point I should perhaps touch again on cooperation between the BBC and S4C. I am all in favour of cooperation, especially when it has the potential to reduce overheads and duplication. But cooperation should be something that is agreed rather than imposed. S4C will not be able to stand up for itself and its interests in the sort of relationship that has now been agreed.

The sad fact is that the BBC is no good friend of the Welsh language. In fact it has a very poor track record. To repeat what I said in this post, we need to be under no illusions that the BBC can be particularly ruthless in pursuit of its ends, especially when its own back is against the wall. In October last year, it made the unilateral announcement that it would cut spending on the Welsh language programmes it provides to S4C from £23.5m to £19.5m.

The BBC would no doubt say that is was at that time providing about 12 hours a week of Welsh language programming to S4C, and that it was only legally obliged to provide 10. But when S4C was first set up in 1982 there were only three other free-to-air channels available (BBC1, BBC2 and ITV) plus non-peak Channel 4 programming. In 1982, the BBC could not have broadcast more than about 36 hours a day; but now, on a typical day, the BBC broadcasts about 140 hours of programming to Wales, i.e. about four times as much as it broadcast in 1982. When repeats are taken into account the amount of original programming will be rather less, but I'm sure the BBC is producing or commissioning at least three times more English language output than it was in 1982. If they had treated English and Welsh on the basis of equality, it would mean they should now be providing about 30 hours a week of original programming to S4C. This would cost them about £60m a year.

So yes, the BBC does need to have a significant input into how more television programmes in Welsh are made, but a more equitable arrangement would be for them to have full control over how their 30 hours of programming a week, paid for out of the share of the licence fee that is given to them, is produced; but for S4C to have full control over how the percentage of the licence fee that is given to them is used.

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But what hope is there of that now? As the BBC reported in the first link I gave everyone is falling over themselves to say how good a deal it is ... but that is of course understandable, for the BBC are the big winners. Yet this puts those of us who want to see a strong, independent S4C into an awkward position.

What's the point of fighting for something better if S4C themselves are not prepared to sound one note of disappointment with either the deal, or with the government in Westminster that has refused to make the changes recommended by even its own MPs on the WASC? We could have taken this crisis in Welsh language broadcasting as an opportunity to improve S4C, but we seem to have ended up with something even worse than before: bigger cuts than at the BBC resulting in less programming, an S4C that is now firmly under the control and in the pocket of a BBC with a track record of treating Welsh less favourably than English, and an S4C that isn't prepared to kick up a fuss about the unfairness.

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S4C ... just report the bad news

S4C's Annual Report was published today, and I read two stories about it on Golwg 360 and the BBC website:

     Nifer gwylwyr S4C yn syrthio – Golwg 360
     Her S4C i'r dyfodol yn ôl eu hadroddiad blynyddol – BBC

Both reports give as their only audience figure the fact that the average number of peak hour viewers fell from 30,000 in 2009 to 28,000 in 2010.

Expecting the worst, I armed myself with a stiff drink before reading the report itself. Click the image to open it:

     

But I was rather pleasantly surprised by what was in it. For example:

•  The weekly reach has risen by 11.8% from 551,000 to 616,000. The figures for Wales are up by 4.0% from 449,000 to 467,000. The figures for viewers outside Wales are up by 46.1% from 102,000 to 149,000

•  The number of on-demand sessions on Clic has risen by 44.2% from 1,113,843 (though this was reported as 1,089,114 in last year's report) to 1,606,162

•  The most popular programme in 2009 had 427,000 viewers, in 2010 the most popular programme had 459,000 viewers

Of course it's a shame that one group of figures has gone down. But why on earth is this the only figure to be reported, especially since the overall figures have in fact risen rather than gone down? Are we a nation of masochists?

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Funding S4C

I've just read through the Welsh Affairs Select Committee's report on S4C, available here, and have to say that I am pleasantly surprised at a number of things it says, particularly with regard to funding.

The present arrangement is that nearly all S4C's funding of about £100m a year comes directly from the DCMS based on a formula linked to inflation. The essence of the UK Government's proposal is that the bulk of S4C's funding should in future come from the television licence fee, with a much smaller proportion coming from the DCMS. By 2014-15, £76m would come from the TV licence fee and £7m from the DCMS, making £83m in total.

Now it is true that this deal was hastily cobbled together at the last minute in negotiations between the DCMS and BBC, without any consultation process involving other parties or indeed S4C itself. That was obviously not a good way of doing things and the report says so:

131.  On the evidence we received, it is apparent that the decision to fund S4C via the licence fee from 2013 onwards was made in haste. In a matter of hours a deal was struck between BBC executives and Ministers in London, without sufficient consultation with relevant parties. This is regrettable.

Yet as I said in previous posts, most notably here, I do not believe the decision to fund S4C primarily through the licence fee is a bad idea. In fact it is a good idea, because both S4C and the BBC are public service broadcasters funded by public money, and therefore providing the bulk of their funding from the same source will help ensure that both are treated equally.

But there are two key issues:

•  We cannot reasonably expect either S4C or the BBC to be immune from public spending cuts, but the two organizations should at least suffer equally. It is unfair for the cuts to S4C to be larger than the cuts to the BBC.

•  Any money that is allocated to S4C from the licence fee should be guaranteed, rather than first going to the BBC and only then forwarded to S4C at the discretion of the BBC.

The WASC report makes some welcome and encouraging comments on both these points. On the issue of making the cuts equal it says:

98.  Any reduction in S4C’s funding should be comparable to other public service broadcasters. We call on the DCMS to ensure that this is the case.

Now what does this mean in practical terms? In the BBC/DCMS agreement the BBC agreed to take on additional responsibilities that were equivalent to a reduction in income of 16%. However the funding cuts proposed for S4C amount to 24%. Therefore in order to ensure that both organizations receive comparable cuts, this shortfall needs to be addressed.

There are a number of ways of doing the maths, particularly when commercial activities are taken into account, but the shortfall is likely to be less than £10m. In terms of the DCMS budget of over £2bn and the BBC's budget of maybe £3.5bn this is peanuts, but it will be of vital importance to a body the size of S4C. The simplest and most effective way of doing this will be to increase the DCMS subvention.

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On the issue of long-term funding, the WASC report is again encouraging:

100.  We recommend that the Government confirms the funding of S4C beyond 2014-15 as soon as possible. Without this certainty, S4C will not reasonably be able to develop its future strategy. Therefore, we believe that it is essential that there is a long term funding formula enacted in primary legislation.

S4C has been able to operate independently because its funding has been safeguarded in legislation. We can perhaps say that the previous inflation-linked funding formula was generous, but it is vitally important that it is replaced with another statutory formula, rather than simply left to the discretion of the BBC.

It's fair to say that the BBC has a pathological aversion to any mention of "top-slicing" the television licence fee, and this is dicussed in sections 101 to 105 of the report. But despite the BBC's objections, top-slicing has been applied to the TV licence fee before and there is no reason for it not to be applied in future, whether the BBC like it or not.

I suspect that the answer is to find a form of words which will allow the BBC to believe that the TV licence fee is not being top-sliced, while at the same time guaranteeing that S4C get a fair, objectively calculated proportion of the money from the licence fee in future years. This is the form of words used in the report:

105.  We recommend that the DCMS work with the BBC and S4C to determine how S4C’s funding can be guaranteed. We further recommend that S4C receive in full a portion of the Licence Fee which is at least equal to the amount set out by the DCMS in S4C’s funding review settlement.

To me, that sounds like top-slicing in all but name. The question now is how to write this into primary legislation.

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Besides funding the other big issue is S4C's independence; and although the report discusses it, it is still far from clear how the operational model might work. But he who pays the piper calls the tune, so I think it is much more important to get the finance sorted first, so that no part of S4C's funding will be left to the discretion of the BBC. Once financial independence is guaranteed, operational and editorial independence will be that much easier to achieve.

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Finally we need to remember that this is a report by a Select Committee, and the UK Government is not obliged to implement its recommendations. Nonetheless I hope that it will, for the report is quite unequivocal about S4C's cuts not being greater than the cuts to the BBC and the need for guaranteed future funding that is not dependent on the discretion of the BBC.

It is now up to those who can influence the Westminster government—in particular Tory and LibDem MPs—to ensure that these funding recommendations are implemented.

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Two versions of the same map?

This is a map to warm the hearts of everyone who wants to see an independent Scotland. A truly stunning victory for the SNP, and one to make everyone who wants to see an independent Wales more than a little envious.

     

But one thing struck me immediately: the solid block of support for unionist parties in southern Scotland. As I'm sure most people already know, Scotland is split into two ITV franchise areas. STV, an amalgamation of what used to be Scottish TV and Grampian TV, serves most of Scotland, but the southern part is in a franchise area served by Border TV which includes a large chunk of England.

     

As we can see, the voting pattern almost exactly reflects the franchise boundary. To me, this suggests that the broadcast media play an enormous role in determining the political agenda of the areas they serve. STV serves only Scotland, and therefore is able to focus more on Scottish issues than UK issues. But Border TV, because it serves parts of both England and Scotland, is of necessity going to have a different focus, centred more on UK issues than Scottish issues.

If we're looking for reasons to explain why the political agenda in Scotland is more focused on Scotland than is the case in Wales, this is probably one of the them. For how many parts of eastern Wales get their regional TV from England?

If we want our next general election in Wales to be fought on Welsh issues rather than the UK issues that this one has been fought on, one of the keys will be to ensure that all parts of Wales are served by broadcast media that can focus properly on Welsh issues.

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Forbrydelsen

I watched the first two episodes of the Danish drama Forbrydelsen – called The Killing in English, though perhaps it would be more accurate to call it The Crime – on BBC Four last night. It was very impressive, and anybody who missed it can catch it on iPlayer.

     

Now this isn't exactly going to be mainstream viewing, nothing on BBC Four is. But it provides a perfect example of the sort of programme that I think could and should be shown on S4C, but with subtitles available in Welsh as well as English. The cost would be minimal, but the principle of international material not invariably being offered through the medium of English is vitally important.

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Strangely enough David TC Davies, the chair of the Welsh Affairs Select Committee, made exactly the same point when the committee questioned Ed Vaizey on 18 January:

Q477 Chair: Have you looked at encouraging S4C to buy in films from non English speaking countries – some very good films are produced in places like Germany and France – and putting in Welsh subtitles? I personally don't see that as being such a bad idea. It is standard practice in many European countries, including Germany and France.

Mr Vaizey: I know that you had an extensive discussion on this subject when you took evidence. I would expect the Committee's report to reflect your views.

Evidence to WASC, 18 January 2011

As someone who doesn't agree with Mr Davies on many things, it is a very pleasant surprise to find myself agreeing with him on this. Though I should make it clear that I don't think this is a substitute for commissioned drama in Welsh, but as a supplement to it.

We'll have to see whether this proposal is reflected In the WASC's report. But if I might make one suggestion to Committee members, it would be to widen the scope of that proposal beyond S4C. In this instance the BBC has bought the rights to show the series in the UK. But what is to stop the BBC from subtitling this and similar programmes ... not only in Welsh but also in Gaelic? It would be a significant step in making much more material available in Welsh and Gaelic (at least to read, if not to hear). The same would be true for the Italian or German opera that sometimes even makes it onto BBC2.

So yes, I think it would be a good idea for S4C to show foreign language programmes subtitled in Welsh. But if we are to see a much closer relationship between S4C and the BBC, similar to the way that BBC Alba works in Scotland, then there can be no excuse for the BBC not to do its share for each of the languages of Britain.

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The more sharped-eyed will have noticed that the picture I've shown is actually for the second series of Forbrydelsen. It's quite likely that the BBC will acquire, or has acquired, the rights to show that as well. It might now be too late to subtitle the first series in Welsh and Gaelic, but with the right pressure from the right people, they could easily do it for the second. In fact, we could make it a requirement that our public service broadcasters should make all their subtitled foreign language programmes available in each language of Britain via the red button.

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S4C viewing figures ... in high definition

A few weeks ago, ITV Cymru produced an edition of Y Byd ar Bedwar which focused on the crisis S4C is currently facing, and included figures from a poll they commissioned from YouGov. I've embedded the video for those who want to see it again.

     

Some of the poll figures which struck me were that:

•  19% of Welsh speakers don't watch S4C at all

•  30% watched less TV than 5 years ago, but 39% watched less S4C

•  35% of Welsh speakers wanted S4C to remain wholly Welsh, but 36% of them thought that it should show English programmes too

•  Most people watched S4C for its sports coverage

It goes without saying that these were rather disappointing figures. So I asked YouGov for some additional information, particularly because one of the other polls they published based on the same data included a breakdown by fluency in Welsh. ITV have kindly given their permission for YouGov to publish this data and it is now available here.

YouGov in fact asked two separate questions on Welsh, in this order:

Can you understand, speak, read or write Welsh? Please tick all that apply.

•  Understand spoken Welsh
•  Speak Welsh
•  Read Welsh
•  Write Welsh
•  None of the above

How well, if at all, would you say you can speak Welsh?

•  Fluently
•  Fairly well
•  Not very well
•  Not at all

The first question was chosen because it is identical to the question asked in the census, and this was used to weight the raw data; but the second question gives a rather clearer picture of people's ability in Welsh.

In answer to the first question, 222 out of 1206 or 18.4% said they could speak Welsh, which was then weighted to 16.8%. (If this seems low, it is probably because YouGov asked adults, but the census figures are for all people over 3 years old, and the highest percentage of Welsh speakers is for those at school.) But in answer to the second, the raw percentages for ability to speak Welsh were:

Fluently ... 6.7%
Fairly well ... 7.3%
Not very well ... 33.1%
Not at all ... 52.9%

What this shows is that there is quite a flexible "middle ground" in which people's views can be characterized as falling into one of two responses, either:

"I am a Welsh speaker, but I don't speak Welsh very well."

or

"I don't speak Welsh very well, therefore I can't really call myself a Welsh speaker."

The purpose of giving this explanation is in order to help us understand the more detailed information within the survey. The programme itself only made mention of the breakdown between Welsh speakers and non Welsh speakers based on the first question. In fact it is almost certain that the programme makers did not know what the cross-break (to use the jargon) for fluency in Welsh was, since that information has only been put together in response to my request.

For that reason, I want to stress that I am not accusing ITV of presenting misleading information. The figures they quoted are accurate ... but just not as helpful as they could have been. So with this in mind I now want to look again at what the more detailed information shows us.
 

How many Welsh speakers watch S4C?

    

So the headline figure that 19% of the Cymry Cymraeg don't watch S4C gets reduced to only 7% of those who speak the language fluently. 93% of fluent Welsh speakers watch S4C at least sometimes, and 71% watch S4C at least once a week.
 

Do we watch S4C more or less than we did 5 years ago?

    

The way the figures were presented on Y Byd ar Bedwar was that the fall in S4C viewers was worse that the general fall in television viewing. So these more detailed figures are quite startling. Yes, it is true that people generally watch less TV than we did five years ago, but the percentage of fluent Welsh speakers who watch S4C has actually gone up ... 36% watch S4C more than before, only 23% less.
 

What do we watch on S4C?

    

It is of course true that most people who watch S4C watch it for sport, but for those who are fluent in Welsh, sport is not the main type of programme watched. Drama, news and current affairs, and entertainment programming are each higher up the list than sport.
 

Do Welsh speakers want English language programmes on S4C?

    

One of the major points made on the programme was that even Welsh speakers, even though only by 36% to 35%, wanted S4C to remain wholly Welsh. But the more detailed figures show that this was certainly not the opinion of those who speak Welsh fluently or even fairly well.

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I've highlighted these points because they go some way to explain the more surprising figures presented on the programme. S4C is a minority channel, primarily aimed at those who speak Welsh ... although of course open to anybody who wants to watch. There are at least 30 other channels in English for those who want programmes in English.

What these figures seem to show is that S4C is actually doing a very good job of providing a range of Welsh language programmes for those who want drama, entertainment, news, current affairs and the like in Welsh rather than in English. The percentage of those fluent in Welsh who watch S4C is very high indeed, and these people watch more S4C now than we used to five years ago. Surely that is a mark of S4C's success.

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S4C ... Management and Commissioning

In my post yesterday, I focused on the proposed new funding model for S4C, saying that I thought the principle of S4C receiving the bulk of its funding from the television licence fee was acceptable, subject to details about the actual sums of money involved and the need to establish this funding base in the long term. However I think it's worth repeating that I am talking about S4C receiving this money from the TV licence fee directly as a designated, ring-fenced sum. The principle of "top slicing" the licence fee has now been established for some years, and the way I read the DCMS/BBC agreement, it seems clear that this will continue.

He who pays the piper does call the tune. That is why it is important that we establish beyond any doubt that the sums designated to S4C from the licence fee are not the BBC's money, and that the BBC should have no control over how this money is spent. The way to ensure this is to write it into the new legislation rather than rely on the discretion of the parties concerned, and to set out a mechanism for determining what share of the licence fee should be given to S4C in the future.

One of the main reasons I think it's important to deal with funding separately is simple and pragmatic. In any negotiation "principles" and "money" are two terms which are notoriously difficult to separate. So if we can nail down the aspect of funding, it then makes it much easier to talk about the management and commissioning structure through which we get Welsh language television. It also makes sense from the perspective of what is happening politically, for it would be naïve for anyone to think that what has happened in the past few months, or indeed the last few days, has not been almost exclusively motivated by the desire to cut public spending. It is this that the government in Westminster has been primarily concerned about, not the quality or nature of Welsh language television.
 

The problems with the DCMS/BBC agreement

Management and commissioning are matters that certainly do need to be addressed, but the most important thing to note on this subject is that the agreement reached last week is between the DCMS and the BBC, with S4C having no place in the discussions. So even though I don't think it should particularly matter to S4C whether the bulk of its budget comes from government subvention or the television licence fee, I do think that any change to the management and commissioning structure of S4C cannot be decided without reference to them.

For that reason I fully support S4C's decision to seek a judicial review.

But we must be under no illusions about what we expect a judicial review to achieve. In all probability the most that will happen is that the DCMS will be told that it acted precipitously and that it should now undertake a proper consultation. But there will be nothing to stop the DCMS doing that, and then making exactly the same decision again. The judiciary deals with whether something is lawful or unlawful, and whether the proper procedures have been followed in reaching decisions. We cannot expect any judge to make political decisions.

As I have said a number of times, the Westminster government can do whatever it likes providing it can get a majority to pass the necessary legislation through parliament. It can abolish S4C completely if it can get a bill to that effect through parliament. Therefore the primary focus of our opposition to the Westminster government's proposal must be political. We must persuade MPs that the independence of S4C is of such importance to us that it would be politically unwise of them to push these plans through. That involves protest and demonstrations.

So what arguments should we use? Let's start by looking at the relevant clauses of the DCMS/BBC agreement:

•  Having decided to reduce its own funding for S4C as part of the CSR, HMG holds that a new partnership model with the BBC is the best way of securing the long-term future of the service.

•  There would be a BBC and S4C partnership along similar principles to BBC Alba to begin by 2013/14, with S4C coming under a BBC Trust Service Licence or other operating agreement which would be jointly agreed with the S4C Authority and which would set out the strategic goals and broad editorial requirements of the service.

•  A combined Board of the Authority and Trust would oversee delivery of the Service Licence or operating agreement.

•  The S4C service will be operated by a joint management board with a majority of independent directors, appointed by the BBC Trust and the Authority. The management board will operate its own commissioning structure.

•  Further discussion will be required about the exact form of the partnership, and the Government will play its part in those discussions.

•  The total content commissioning budget will be for independent producers (outside of the BBC's ongoing statutory commitments)

As I read it, this seems to indicate that the DCMS are going to retain the S4C Authority as the body which would receive funds, and that these would come from the television licence fee, a continued but reduced government subvention, and commercial activities. This is somewhat reassuring. The changes that are proposed seem not to affect the S4C Authority, but the management of the channel.

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Now, although we do not know the precise reasons why Iona Jones left as chief executive of the channel, we do know that the S4C Authority made an announcement the very next day saying that it intended to get rid of the "arm's length" separation between the Authority and the channel's management team. This is what it said:

The S4C Authority has announced a change in S4C’s management structure that will lead to a closer working relationship between the Authority and the management team.

S4C Authority Chairman John Walter Jones said that the S4C Authority, the regulatory body that oversees S4C’s performance, would work closer with a leaner management team.

[He] said: “In order to ensure that the Channel’s future remains secure and that the organisation is run efficiently, the most fundamental change is that the concept of due separation between the S4C Authority and the management team will now cease. S4C is a unitary body and this unitary organisation should manage and safeguard the interests of S4C viewers and the Channel’s suppliers in the future.

S4C Authority Press Release, 29 July 2010

It is hard to escape the conclusion that Iona Jones left because she was not prepared to see the erosion of this due separation. It is also hard to escape the conclusion that the DCMS was none too pleased with this ... although that view might be heavily influenced by the BBC who, unlike the DCMS, would have a more informed understanding of the way the industry works. This was an unsavoury episode, made worse by S4C's complete disregard for transparency and the need for a public body to give some sort of public explanation of what was going on behind closed doors.

I don't want to take sides in that dispute, not least because I don't know enough to know which side to take. But it is clear that the Authority felt the need to step in and do the job it had previously entrusted to an arm's length management team. Therefore, if management and commissioning is seen to be a problem, it should come as no big surprise that the DCMS/BBC agreement should address that issue and propose what they think is a better arrangement. Nor should it be surprising that their preferred solution should be one that gives the BBC more control. The BBC are hardly disinterested observers ... they want what suits them. Who wouldn't?
 

The BBC's track record

But we need to be under no illusions that the BBC can be particularly ruthless in pursuit of its own ends, especially when its own back is against the wall. The unilateral announcement that it would cut spending on the Welsh language programmes it provides to S4C from £23.5m to £19.5m is an example of this. It is all the more remarkable because it was made on 8 October ... nearly a fortnight before any decision on the BBC's own funding been reached. It would perhaps be understandable to make such an announcement in response to a decision on BBC funding, but to make such a decision at a time when the BBC's income from the TV licence fee had merely been frozen, not cut, is surely proof enough that Welsh language programming is quite low on the BBC's list of internal priorities.

But if anyone is still not convinced of that, another way of illustrating the same point is to look at what has happened to the BBC's Welsh language output over the last 25 years. As I said last month in this post, when S4C was first set up in 1982 there were only three other free-to-air channels available (BBC1, BBC2 and ITV) plus non-peak Channel 4 programming. In 1982, the BBC broadcast could not have broadcast more than about 36 hours; but now, on one typical day, the BBC broadcasts 139 hours of programming to Wales, i.e. about four times as much as it broadcast in 1982. Although when repeats are taken into account, it might be a little less.

But what has the BBC done to increase its Welsh language output to match its increase in English language output? Well, hardly anything. It has voluntarily increased the programming it provides from 10 to 12 hours a week ... a 20% increase in contrast to its 400% increase in English language programmes. So it is very clear that the BBC doesn't regard itself as being under any sense of moral obligation to treat Welsh and English in the same way.

The lesson to be learned from this is that we cannot entrust the future of Welsh language broadcasting to the BBC. I am sure that there are many individuals within the BBC (and particularly in BBC Wales/Cymru) who do care passionately about it, but this does not extend to the corporation as a whole ... or at least the ranks of its most senior decision makers. Though equally it must be said that the BBC still has major problems coming to terms with adequately reflecting the current political landscape in the UK after more than ten years of devolution.
 

Conclusion

So in conclusion, although there are undoubtedly changes that need to be made to the way that S4C manages the channel and commissions the programmes shown on it, a forced marriage between S4C and the BBC resulting in a joint management and commissioning team is not the right way to go about it.

The principle at stake is plurality. If the editorial choices for all Welsh language broadcasting are made by one "joint management board" operating under one "service licence or operating agreement" then we will only be presented with one view of the world. It won't matter if the joint management board is made up of representatives from S4C, the BBC and a good number of independents. Nor is it a matter of one view being intrinsically better or worse than another ... the best, most informed, view is still only one view.

The BBC makes its own programmes in Welsh. The executive decisions and editorial standpoint of those programmes are for the BBC to decide, subject to its own internal guidelines and procedures. Some will be programmes produced in-house, others will be commissioned from independent producers. This is a good thing. S4C is slightly different in that it commissions all its programmes from independent producers. This is good too. Taken together, we have a model that delivers plurality. So why get rid of it in favour of a new model that by definition cannot and will not be able to deliver plurality?

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The basic point of principle we must fight for is that the executive decision making and commissioning of programmes in both S4C and the BBC are kept independent of each other, as is currently the case. Of course this does not mean that they can't work together, for the two organizations already have a strategic partnership agreement. Also, there is nothing to stop the two organizations working together in other ways if it is of mutual benefit to them both. If sharing back office functions saves money then of course they should look at ways of doing it. But this is completely different from being forced to work together because it is dictated by badly thought through legislation.

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S4C ... The Proposed Funding Model

It's taken me a few days to consider all that has happened in the last week regarding S4C. We now have a proposal on the table which we know has been agreed between the DCMS and the BBC, and we know that the Westminster government is minded to impose this proposal on S4C irrespective of what S4C themselves or the Welsh government think of it. This is hardly a satisfactory situation for anyone. All the ingredients are there for a fight, and plenty of people in Wales are up for that fight.

In such a situation, we need to be able to strip away the inessential from the essential. We need to know what we can realistically hope and reasonably expect to achieve. So I want to set out what I think is realistic and reasonable.

In this post I want to concentrate on the proposed funding model for S4C, and I will address other issues such as its management structure and independence later.
 

The Principle

Whatever the causes of the economic mess we are in, we have to accept that public spending cuts are the primary way in which the elected Westminster government has decided to deal with the UK's deficit; therefore it is pointless to argue that any public service should be immune from spending constraints, including S4C. I think nearly everyone realizes that its funding model, and in particular the link between its grant and inflation, needs to be revisited. The question is how to do it fairly.

My first concern is that S4C is not singled out for unfair treatment. It is a public service broadcaster which receives the main bulk of its operating income from public funds, and I have therefore argued that the measure of how fairly it is treated should be to compare it with the BBC, which is in exactly the same position of receiving the main bulk of its income from the licence fee.

So in principle, I positively welcome the proposal to fund S4C from the television licence fee. It is a good idea, because in the long term it ensures parity of treatment between these two public service broadcasters. While S4C's income is linked to the licence fee, it means that S4C cannot be unfairly treated in the money it receives relative to the BBC.

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But a few things about the TV licence need to be clearly defined. The main thing to be clear about is that it is not the BBC's money. Although the BBC fought for complete control of the money raised from it, their fight against "top slicing" the licence fee was lost some years ago when a proportion of it was set aside for the digital switchover. I'm sure the BBC hoped this might prove to be only a temporary arrangement, but we just need to look in detail at some of the points in the agreement just reached between the BBC and the DCMS to see that it's still there.

•  The current ring-fence of approximately £133m per annum will be raised to, and capped at, £150m per annum from 2013/4 to 2016/17 but re-purposed for broadband, consistent with the BBC’s public purposes.

•  The BBC will play an active role in supporting new local television services through a partnership fund providing capital costs of up to a total of £25m in 2013/14 for up to twenty local TV services, subject to any necessary regulatory approval. The BBC will also commit to ongoing funding of up to £5m per annum from 2014/15 to acquire content for use on its own services from these new services. Should capital costs be required earlier then this will be facilitated by access to the existing digital switchover underspend by mutual agreement.

So money from the licence fee is going to continue to be given directly to non-BBC organizations. In other words the principle of top slicing the TV licence fee is now firmly established.

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When it comes to funding S4C, there are several sections of the agreement which provide an equal guarantee of this ring-fencing:

•  In 2013/14 and 2014/15, the BBC will contribute £76.3m and £76m respectively in cash in addition to its statutory commitments [i.e. the 10 hours per week of original programming]

•  In the event that a new partnership model does not prove viable for any reason, the Government will not take licence fee money itself for this purpose. But in this situation the Trust will propose a one-off reduction in the level of the licence fee which would be equivalent to the contribution that the BBC would otherwise have made to S4C.

Contrary to what some others have said, I think this last point is enlightening and reassuring. It sets out the principle that S4C's part of the licence fee does not belong to the BBC, and will not revert to the BBC if this proposed funding model breaks down. Elsewhere, the agreement says this:

•  Under the partnership, funding for S4C in future will come from three sources: the licence fee, a continued but reduced subvention from the Government, and commercial income

So it seems quite clear that S4C will continue to exist as an entity in its own right; but that, after a transition period, it will receive the bulk of its income from the licence fee (note that the agreement does not say "from the BBC") and will continue to receive a much smaller sum from the government, as well as its commercial income. Therefore, so far as the principle of the proposal to revise S4C's sources of funding is concerned, I don't have a problem with it. There are other things to fight about, but in my opinion we should not fight about this.
 

The Detail

However there are two points of detail about funding that should cause us considerable concern.

The first is about the the actual sums of money involved. It is not reasonable to expect S4C to be treated in a worse fashion than the BBC. So we should fight to make sure that it is not, and fully expect to win that fight.

The situation is not helped by a certain lack of objectivity, optimism, or simple spin coming from some quarters. In the video of the Westminster hall debate on Wednesday, Ed Vaizey had the audacity to call this proposed funding settlement "generous" to S4C. And in this post on his blog, Glyn Davies said that the only organization "with a genuine grouse that has real credibility" is the BBC. I'm sorry to say that neither of these assertions stands up to scrutiny.

As the BBC/DCMS agreement makes clear, the additional responsibilities that the BBC have agreed to take on are equivalent to a reduction in income of 16%. However the cuts proposed for S4C result in a loss of DCMS funding of 24%. I think we have a good case to fight for the reduction of funding from the DCMS to be 16% rather than 24%.

Now there are a number of ways of doing the maths, particularly when commercial activities are taken into account. But the shortfall is likely to be less than £10m. In terms of the DCMS budget of over £2bn and the BBC's budget of maybe £3.5bn this is peanuts, but £10m is a much more significant amount for S4C.

The second detail yet to be worked out is how to safeguard S4C's funding in future years, as this Comprehensive Spending Review only covers four years, and the TV licence fee is only set for six. In my view, the most equitable way of solving the problem is for S4C to receive a fixed proportion of the TV licence fee each time it is renegotiated. If it goes up, so will S4C's income from this source; if it goes down, so will S4C's income ... but it will mean that these two public service broadcasters are treated equally. The bottom line is that each round of licence fee negotiations in future must clearly define the sum that is to be paid to S4C. We must ensure that this is built into the new legislation now.

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In discussing funding, my basic premise has been that it really doesn't matter to S4C whether it gets the bulk of its income by direct subvention from government or from the TV licence fee. Money is just money. We should accept that there needs to be a cut because everything else is being cut, but we should not expect S4C to suffer more of a cut than the BBC. A small adjustment of less than £10m per year should ensure this.

But the management of S4C is another matter entirely.

S4C needs to remain as an independent entity, and we must fight tooth and nail to make sure that its management structure and editorial independence is not subsumed into the BBC. This post is long enough, so I'll say more on that subject in the next.

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S4C ... The Westminster Hall Debate

This is a video of Wednesday afternoon's debate in Westminster Hall on the funding of S4C. It was arranged by Guto Bebb before the news about the DCMS/BBC agreement, but took place the day after the news had broken.

     

A few lowlights that struck me were:

•  Guto Bebb saying that an important element of S4C's early success was its mix of Welsh language and Channel 4 programmes. To me, that appears to indicate that he does not see S4C as a purely Welsh language channel in future.

•  Guto Bebb later claiming that S4C should serve non-Welsh speakers, and that it wasn't serving the people it was meant to serve. That seems to remove any doubts about what he meant before. To me, that is as ludicrous as saying that CBeebies was set up to serve those who want to watch news and current affairs programmes, or that Sky Sports 1 was set up to serve those who want to watch ballet and opera. But to be fair to him, he did make some rather more worthy points.

•  And Ed Vaizey, the minister responsible, winding up with a remarkably authentic impersonation of bombastic pomposity ... though I'm sure he was only acting out the part.

•  Alun Cairns congratulating the minister on the cuts, which the DCMS then went on to claim are "generous" to S4C ... obviously an orchestrated attempt to divert attention from the fact that the proposed cuts to S4C are much greater than those agreed with the BBC.

Alwyn has linked to the transcript, here.

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S4C ... The DCMS/BBC Agreement

So many balls are currently in the air with regard to the future of S4C and, although I'm working on it, I haven't quite got to grips with all the possibilities and ramifications as yet. But there is one thing that I would like to post now, to give people the hard detail of what was actually agreed between Jeremy Hunt of the DCMS and the BBC.

The full text of the letter is here, and Mabon ap Gwynfor has already linked to it here on his blog. But this an edited version as it applies to S4C:

Letter from Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport
to Sir Michael Lyons, Chairman, BBC Trust

 

BBC FUNDING SETTLEMENT

I am writing to confirm the Government’s decision to determine the level of the licence fee until the end of March 2017.

The BBC is one of the most respected broadcasters in the world and a national asset of extraordinary importance both to our country’s culture and its democracy.

I believe the agreement we have reached provides certainty and security for the BBC over the settlement period. The requirement on the BBC to take on important new funding obligations and efficiencies provides the value to licence fee payers necessary in the current economic climate.

This Government will respect the BBC’s editorial and operational independence both as a matter of principle and as an obligation for the full duration of its Royal Charter to 31 December 2016. Consistent with the Charter, any decision affecting the scale and scope of the BBC’s UK public services, and its commercial and other operations, will remain a matter for the BBC Trust. The Government undertakes to provide a full financial settlement to the end of the year 2016/17, with no new financial requirements or fresh obligations of any kind being placed on the BBC and/or licence fee revenues in this period except by mutual agreement. All necessary legal and other steps, including any necessary legislative changes and State Aid notifications that are required to give this agreement force will be sought and effected by the Government, in consultation with and where appropriate by agreement with the BBC Trust.
 

Financial parameters

•  Under the current licence fee settlement, the fee will remain at £145.50 in 2011/12 and 2012/13. This level will then be maintained in a new four-year settlement to 2016/2017.

•  The current ring-fence of approximately £133m per annum will be raised to, and capped at, £150m per annum from 2013/4 to 2016/17 but re-purposed for broadband, consistent with the BBC’s public purposes.

•  The BBC will assume responsibility for funding the World Service, BBC Monitoring, and S4C from the licence fee as detailed below.

•  The overall effect of this settlement will require the BBC to achieve a 16% cash-releasing efficiency target, net of implementation costs, over the four years to 2016/17.

•  The BBC will maintain its present borrowing limits for the BBC Group and BBC Commercial Holdings to the end of the Charter.
 

BBC commitments

As part of this new settlement, the BBC has undertaken to provide funding for some new broadcasting activities, set out below. We will now seek to agree with you the necessary amendments to the BBC Agreement.
 

Local media
( ... detail not shown)

 

BBC World Service
( ... detail not shown)

 

New partnership and funding model for S4C

•  The Government remains committed to a strong and independent Welsh language TV service, but has concluded that the S4C model is not sustainable in its present form.

•  The S4C service must retain its brand identity and editorial distinctiveness, as well as its special relationship with the independent production sector in Wales.

•  Public funding for the service must be maintained at agreed levels over the period covered by the Comprehensive Spending Review.

•  Having decided to reduce its own funding for S4C as part of the CSR, HMG holds that a new partnership model with the BBC is the best way of securing the long-term future of the service.

•  Under the partnership, funding for S4C in future will come from three sources: the licence fee, a continued but reduced subvention from the Government, and commercial income

•  There would be a BBC and S4C partnership along similar principles to BBC Alba to begin by 2013/14, with S4C coming under a BBC Trust Service Licence or other operating agreement which would be jointly agreed with the S4C Authority and which would set out the strategic goals and broad editorial requirements of the service.

•  A combined Board of the Authority and Trust would oversee delivery of the Service Licence or operating agreement.

•  The S4C service will be operated by a joint management board with a majority of independent directors, appointed by the BBC Trust and the Authority. The management board will operate its own commissioning structure.

•  Further discussion will be required about the exact form of the partnership, and the Government will play its part in those discussions.

•  The service would not be a BBC branded service

•  The total content commissioning budget will be for independent producers (outside of the BBC's ongoing statutory commitments)

•  In 2011/12 and 2012/13, the Government will continue to fund the service.

•  In 2013/14 and 2014/15, the BBC will contribute £76.3m and £76m respectively in cash in addition to its statutory commitments, while the Government will fund at £6.7m in 2013/14 and £7m in 2014/15.

•  There will be a further review of S4C’s strategy and finances, to conclude in good time before the end of the period covered by the Comprehensive Spending Review.

•  The exact level of BBC funding is not set beyond 2014/15. Whilst future funding will reflect continuing synergies and efficiencies it will remain consistent with the commitment to a strong and independent Welsh language TV service, with future services informed by the outcome of the proposed review.

•  In the event that a new partnership model does not prove viable for any reason, the Government will not take licence fee money itself for this purpose. But in this situation the Trust will propose a one-off reduction in the level of the licence fee which would be equivalent to the contribution that the BBC would otherwise have made to S4C.
 

BBC Monitoring
( ... detail not shown)

I also welcome the BBC’s plans to enhance its national DAB coverage in the period of this agreement, and to match its national FM coverage as a switchover date draws near.
 

Thank you for your constructive co-operation in reaching this settlement. It represents a good deal for all parties and reflects the economic environment we are in, while maintaining the independence and funding certainty of the BBC and, most importantly, giving value for money to licence fee payers.

To put the funding for S4C into perspective, this spreadsheet shows the DCMS planned expenditure for S4C, to give the following:

2011/12 ... £90.0m
2012/13 ... £83.0m
2013/14 ... £6.7m (+ £76.3m from BBC) = £83.0m
2014/15 ... £7.0m (+ £76.0m from BBC) = £83.0m

The total reduction in DCMS expenditure is 94%, the total reduction in S4C funding is 24%. In terms of its frozen licence fee funding, offset against these additional commitments, the BBC only faces a cut in funding of 16%.

I'll save the comment for later, except to repeat that this is an agreement between the DCMS and BBC, without any input from or consultation with S4C ... and certainly without their agreement. To that extent it only represnts the intention of the DCMS, since new legislation would be required in order to implement any changes to S4C's current funding arrangements.

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Inappropriate and unacceptable

The currently breaking news that the BBC is to take responsibility for funding S4C is very disturbing. It's obviously hard to comment without knowing the detail, but even without knowing the detail I can say this much:

The position of S4C and the S4C Authority has been established by Act of Parliament. No Act is sacrosanct, but changing the statutory basis of S4C requires repeal of the existing legislation and probably (but not necessarily, for S4C could simply be abolished) a new legislative framework. This will take time, time that needs to be spent on scrutiny of the proposals both by the public and by members of Parliament.

What concerns me is that deals are being made behind closed doors without any opportunity for discussion or debate. Obviously the ConDem government can form an opinion on what they see as the future of S4C, and it is perfectly proper for them to have discussions with S4C and the BBC to sound out opinion on the matter. But it is entirely inappropriate for either S4C or the BBC to agree to new arrangements for S4C behind closed doors.

Yet it is being presented, certainly here on Betsan Powys' blog, as a deal that has already been made between the Westminster government and the BBC in London ... with John Walter Jones of S4C only being told about it this evening. This is not acceptable. I've said it before, so of course I fully agree with Alun Ffred Jones when he says:

The future of S4C and its budget should be a matter of open and transparent debate among the people of Wales and not rest solely with a single UK government department.

It most certainly sounds like a "stitch up" to me.
 

     

 
In terms of a solution, I wouldn't object to S4C being funded out of a fixed proportion of the TV licence fee. But for that arrangement to work, it would have to be "top sliced" rather than for money to go first to the BBC coffers, and then only handed back at the discretion of BBC management. Certainly not after this decision.

Top slicing would at least ensure parity of treatment between two public service broadcasters, which is one of the main objections I and others had to Jeremy Hunt's plan's to unilaterally cut S4C's budget. It would mean the independent statutory structure of S4C could remain intact, with only the basis of its funding changed ... although the most outrageous part of the current arrangement is that the BBC's obligation to provide programmes for S4C has not changed since 1982, even though the hours of English language programming they produce has quadrupled since then.

However the BBC has up to now fought tooth and nail against top slicing as a way to fund national and regional news on ITV, so I doubt they would now agree to it in S4C's case. It would set a precedent ... but then again, it might be a very good precedent to set.

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Relief about S4C

The announcement that Jeremy Hunt is going to seek to amend the law concerning the funding of S4C is welcome news. Welcome because it means that the S4C Authority has not agreed to take a "voluntary" cut in funding.
 

     

 
If the ConDem government wants to change the terms of the Broadcasting Act, it is perfectly entitled to try; and if it can persuade a majority in Parliament to vote with them, it will get its way. But it will all have to be done openly, and will be subject to full debate and public scrutiny. In particular, it will mean that Welsh MPs will each have to stand up and be counted on the issue.

This is how it should be. It was wrong for the ConDem government to attempt to bully through changes behind closed doors. S4C is a public service broadcaster, and deserves its future funding arrangements to be debated and decided in public.

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A funding model for S4C ... and more

When I wrote this post about the funding of S4C a week or so ago, I had a fairly good idea of the sort of tactics Jeremy Hunt would use to try and bully the S4C Authority into accepting the cuts the ConDem coalition wants to impose on it. From what Betsan Powys has said here on her blog, and in this BBC report, it now looks as if he was every bit as much of a bully as I thought ... and a liar too!

     

     BBC, 21 September 2010

However, although it is quite clear to me that he tried to press ahead with his first round of illegal cuts (it is not clear whether that cut was made or whether he simply intended to pay that much less in the next DCMS payment) the situation was not helped by the attitude of the S4C Authority. Why on earth did they not make the position crystal clear to everyone back in May? Why on earth did they make statements about not "volunteering" the cuts? It is obvious they wouldn't have volunteered them, but the point at issue is whether they acquiesced to them. I have to say that it certainly appeared that they had. They make the mistake of preferring to keep everything behind closed doors rather than call Jeremy Hunt's bluff in public.

The lesson that they must learn is that there is plenty of support for S4C throughout Wales. Think, if even Peter Hain makes a point of voicing his opposition to the cuts, then it should surely be obvious that S4C is not as beleaguered as the Authority seems to think it is. Yes, of course Peter Hain is doing it primarily because he wants to give the Tories as much grief as possible, or even claim a scalp ... but so what? The point is that he and his party are prepared to fight these cuts alongside the rest of us.

And, as Blogmenai says in this post today, if Jeremy Hunt wants to change the law in order to be able to make these cuts, it means that Welsh Tory and LibDem MPs in Westminster are going to be forced to take sides. Will they vote for that change? Will they suddenly develop an embarrassing illness that forces them to be away from the Commons when the vote takes place? Or will they develop a spine? By letting this happen behind closed doors, S4C are letting too many politicians off the hook.

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However, it has to be acknowledged that the funding of S4C is an issue that we need to look at in some detail. At a time of general cuts in public expenditure I don't expect any organization that receives public money not to come under scrutiny. My position was that S4C should not be singled out. The most obvious organization with which to compare it is the BBC ... so any cuts in funding for the two organizations should be broadly equivalent.

But I can't help but think that S4C has allowed itself to get too comfortable with its funding arrangements. One matter that has never adequately been addressed is the BBC's obligation to provide Welsh language programmes out of the licence fee we pay it.

When S4C was first set up in 1982 there were only three other free-to-air channels available (BBC1, BBC2 and ITV) plus non-peak Channel 4 programming. I'm afraid my memory is not good enough to remember how many hours programming was put out by the BBC each day back then. The very most it could have put out is 48 hours, but I'd be surprised if it was more than 36 hours. However I've just counted the total number of hours being broadcast today on the Freeview channels available in Wales. In total the BBC has broadcast 139 hours of programming to Wales, i.e. about four times as much as it broadcast in 1982.

But the BBC's obligation to provide Welsh language programmes to be shown on S4C hasn't changed. The legal requirement is 10 hours a week, although the BBC currently provide an additional two hours per week. In essence, the BBC's licence fee has risen over the years to allow it to broadcast on no fewer than 9 channels (BBC1, 2, 3, 4, News, Parliament, CBBC, CBeebies and HD) plus additional bandwidth for interactive services probably equivalent to about two channels. But instead of providing an equivalent proportion of Welsh language programmes, which would be about 40 hours a week, we only get 12. We are very clearly being short changed.

In other words if the BBC provided S4C with this programming, S4C would need to commission that much less from other sources and would therefore require that much less of a grant from the DCMS to broadcast the same amount of programming as it does now. Or alternatively it could improve the quantity and/or quality of the programmes it currently broadcasts.

So, if the Broadcasting Act is to be repealed to change S4C's funding formula, then the other thing that must change with it is the number of hours of Welsh language programming the BBC provides out of the licence fee. There should be a fixed percentage link.

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The second factor to consider is the huge expansion in the number of free-to-air channels available. Although Wales has fewer channels on Freeview than some other parts of the UK, there are still 37 of them (although not all of these are available everywhere, but that is another problem). I counted the total number of hours broadcast on Freeview to Wales today, and it comes to a huge 735 hours.

What happens is that broadcasters bid for licences to broadcast on the available channels, and the terms of those licences set out certain obligations about the sort of programmes that are broadcast. If broadcasting were devolved to Wales, we would be able to set the terms of those licences. The requirements would take a number of forms: for example it could be the amount of educational programmes broadcast, or the amount of local news and current affairs ... or indeed the amount of Welsh language content on these channels.

Now of course the practicalities of broadcasting are such that most broadcasters will find it easier to broadcast the same mix of programming as they broadcast in England. They will simply relay that same content to the Welsh transmitters. So the model we should adopt is to either require them to make their own additional programmes for Wales to be broadcast on a different channel (just as the BBC does for S4C at present) or to provide a sum of money equivalent to the cost of doing it, which would be given to the S4C Authority to enable it to commission those programmes independently. In short, in return for a licence to broadcast on a channel in Wales, the broadcaster must provide either additional programming or money in lieu of it. Remember that we are talking about 600 non-BBC hours of broadcasting a day; 6 hours of additional broadcasting would only add 1% to their costs, twelve hours would add 2%.

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The beauty of this sort of arrangement is that it need not be a model only for Welsh language programming. There is no reason why the same model should not be used to provide English language programming specific to Wales as well.

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Now of course there are commercial implications to any such arrangement. This isn't a way of getting free programming, because there's no such thing as free programming. However commercial organizations will most definitely pay money for the right to broadcast in Wales, and at present the money paid for these licences goes into the coffers of the Treasury in London. What would change if broadcasting were devolved to Wales is that our share of this money would come to Wales instead. If we decide to impose onerous requirements on the broadcasters, they will bid correspondingly less for the licence. And yes, we may well not get the same number of bids. But is that such a bad thing? If we end up with three or four fewer channels in Wales this will provide the bandwidth necessary for the new channels we want: such as, for example a new English language channel with specifically Welsh-interest programming ... as well as a second Welsh language channel, and probably money for new radio channels.

Of course this will not entirely pay for funding S4C or indeed any of the other things the DCMS funds. But it will go a little way to reduce the burden on taxpayers. As I said in one of the comments in my last post about S4C, we are dealing with the same DCMS that spends £9.3bn in London on the Olympic Games, but claims it is for the benefit of the UK as a whole. But that's a wider issue than broadcasting. The point is that we in Wales will be able to set our own priorities for spending. If Peter Hain and Carwyn Jones kick up such a fuss about cuts to S4C while the DCMS is in the hands of the Tories and LibDems in London, they could hardly be two-faced enough not to agree to fund S4C properly when responsibility for broadcasting is devolved to Wales ... well, not without being seen to be hypocrites!

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Sophie's /Choice

Well done Rhodri Glyn Thomas for presenting the clearest picture of what is going on between S4/C and the DCMS:

Former Heritage Minister Rhodri Glyn Thomas said: “I believe Jeremy Hunt is being clever. By telling S4C to come up with cuts of their own, he is hoping to bypass any legal challenge that could be made to a cut imposed by himself.

“Because of recent events including the poor way in which the departure of former chief executive Iona Jones was handled, those running S4C have put themselves into a weak position.

“In these circumstances it is the responsibility of the Assembly Government to step in and tell Jeremy Hunt firmly that he should not be forcing S4C to cut its own budget in a way that would put it at a disadvantage to the BBC, whose budget is protected for the next two years. If he refuses to listen, the Assembly Government should threaten to challenge his actions in court.”

Western Mail, 11 September 2010

I'd imagine Jeremy Hunt said something like this:

“If you come up with a plan under which you can cut your budget by 15% over four years, then I'll only cut your budget by that amount. But if you refuse to come up with a plan, I'll cut your budget by 30% over four years. Choose.”

As Rhodri Glyn points out, the advantage to Mr Hunt is that if S4/C comply, he manages to get that part of DCMS spending down without the Con-Dem coalition needing to amend the Broadcasting Act that sets out its funding formula. If he ignores the Act and simply imposed a cut, this would be challenged in court and the DCMS would be certain to lose. That's why it's so important for him to get S4/C to “agree” to a cut.

For Jeremy Hunt, it's Hobson's Choice. He will be under orders to cut the DCMS's overall spending budget by a certain percentage come what may ... though I suspect he's an entirely willing participant.

But for S4/C, it's Sophie's Choice. If the film isn't already ingrained in your memory, this is the critical scene:

     

Sophie Zawistowski, after telling her story a few years later, killed herself and her son. She couldn't live with the guilt of having made that choice, or the horror of knowing that she was capable of making it. I'd hope that S4/C is made of sterner stuff.

S4/C should not let themselves be pressured into thinking they have to make this choice. It's our channel, it belongs to us in Wales. Make it clear what pressures you are being placed under. Explain the situation so we can debate the issues openly. We might not like all the details of the way S4/C is run, but plenty of us will stand beside you to make sure S4/C is not unfairly singled out.

Alun Davies put it this way, and I agree with him entirely:

“S4C is not a public body but a public broadcaster. It is wholly unacceptable for a debate over its future and its funding to be conducted in secret.

“I believe that we have the right to understand what discussions are taking place within the DCMS and we expect the DCMS to make statements to Parliament and to discuss these matters with the National Assembly and the Welsh Assembly Government before any public consultation takes place on any potential changes to the status or funding of S4C.”

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Ignoring Wales

A GUEST POST BY MADOC BATCUP

   

   Madoc Batcup is an independent financial
   consultant and director of Wales in London

 
On the 21st May 2010 Radio 4's Any Questions? [here on iPlayer] hosted by Jonathan Dimbleby came to Gowerton to make their broadcast. You might have been forgiven for thinking that Gowerton was in Chesham and Amersham, the constituency of the new Secretary of State for Wales, for all the Welsh content that it had. None of the panellists came from Wales and none of the questions were in respect of Wales. Indeed, Wales was considered so denuded of anybody of sufficient ability to answer the questions that Grant Shapps, the housing minister with a pilot’s licence, was asked to fly himself to Swansea airport (presumably at licence payers' expense) to make up the numbers on the panel.

In addition we had the interesting spectacle of one of the questioners saying that although he had been "given a question to ask" he wanted to ask one of his own, thereby begging a number of questions as to the criteria used to select the questions in the first place.

At a time when there may be a referendum on additional powers for the Welsh Assembly later on this year, when there has been an announcement that the unfair Barnett funding formula for Wales will remain in place, and when there are now different parties/coalitions in power in Wales and in Westminster for the first time, there was no lack of potential questions with a Welsh dimension relevant to the UK as a whole. Indeed the fact that Wales has had a coalition government for three years might have been the subject of a question in terms of what Westminster could learn from the Welsh experience.

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Of course this is not an isolated incident. The television programme Question Time hosted by the other half of the Dimbleby combo, David, was broadcast from Cardiff on the 25th February. Although on that occasion two of the panellists were Welsh MPs, no questions in respect of Wales were asked, although two that related almost exclusively to England (including one on the English football team) were.

More than a decade after devolution it is extraordinary that in the very programmes have pretensions to be less metropolitan in their approach by travelling around the UK, the BBC continues to flagrantly breach its own interpretation of its obligations of a public sector broadcaster.

In the BBC's Programme Response to Devolution published in December 1998, the BBC stated that:

In the past the BBC has sometimes appeared insensitive to political, administrative, cultural and linguistic differences across the UK, giving the impression of a London-based organisation dismissive of the more geographically distant parts of the UK. There have been errors of judgement and, on occasions, of accuracy.

As a priority, the BBC is now embarking on an extensive series of measures to educate journalists, programme makers and managers, alerting them to the differences across the UK ... they will include:

•  Regular monitoring of programmes for sensitivity to differences between the nations.

These measures are important not only to enable the BBC to provide accurate and well judged news for its audiences in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland but also to allow it to offer all viewers and listeners a true sense of the diversity within the UK.

Clearly the Any Questions programme from Gowerton failed to "offer all viewers and listeners a true sense of the diversity within the UK".

Clause 4(d) of the BBC Charter, states:

The Public Purposes of the BBC are as follows:

... (d) representing the UK, its nations, regions and communities.

Under the Agreement between the BBC and the UK government, signed at the time of the renewal of the BBC's Charter in July 2006, the BBC undertook a number of commitments in respect of this Charter Principle, for example:

In developing (and reviewing) the purpose remit for representing the UK, its nations, regions and communities, the Trust must, amongst other things, seek to ensure that the BBC —

... (b) promotes awareness of different cultures and alternative viewpoints, through content that reflects the lives of different people and different communities within the UK.

Under the Public Purpose Remit "Representing the UK, its nations, regions and communities" published by the BBC Trust in 2007, the BBC undertakes to "represent the different nations, regions and communities to the rest of the UK" and also to "cater for the different nations, regions and communities of the UK."

It is clear therefore that the BBC has committed itself to ensuring that the interests of the different parts of the UK are reflected in its output, and that the rest of the UK is able to be informed about the differences of distinct regions and nations of the UK.

In addition the BBC Trustees commissioned a report on this very issue which was published in 2008, entitled "The BBC Trust Impartiality Report: BBC Network News And Current Affairs Coverage of the Four UK Nations", popularly known as the King Report, after its author. This incorporated research done by Cardiff University.

The report noted inter alia that:

Notwithstanding examples of good practice, however, and supported by findings from the Cardiff research, the review highlights concern that BBC network news and current affairs programmes taken as a whole are not reporting the changing UK with the range and precision that might reasonably be expected given the high standards the BBC itself aspires to. There are specific concerns as to accuracy and clarity of reporting, the balance of coverage, and missed opportunities of drawing on the rich variety of the UK and communicating it to multiple audiences.

As examples, political coverage is seen as unduly focused on Westminster in volume and style; there is seen to be a general bias in favour of stories about England or telling stories from an England perspective; and there is evidence that several stories in the nations which may have been significant to the UK were not taken up by the network. Overall, Professor King concludes that the BBC has not responded adequately and appropriately to the UK’s changing political, social, economic and cultural architecture. In the closing sections of his report, he offers a range of suggestions and issues for consideration in resolving the concerns he has highlighted.

In its concluding comments on the report the BBC Trust stated:

However, we are concerned at Professor King’s assessment that the BBC is not reporting the changing UK with the range that might be expected, given the fact that audiences have expressed a desire to learn more about other parts of the UK in the BBC’s coverage. This echoes a wider concern expressed to the Trust that audiences see the BBC as too preoccupied with the interests and experiences of London, and that those who live elsewhere in the UK do not see their lives adequately reflected on the BBC. It is not acceptable that a BBC funded by licence fee payers across the whole country should not address the interests of them all in fair measure.

We are also concerned at the finding by Professor King that there is insufficient precision and clarity in the BBC's network coverage. The BBC's output must meet the high standards expected by the licence fee payer. It is essential that accurate information about political developments in the four nations is reflected in network news and current affairs so that the authority of the voice of the BBC is maintained, and the audience has confidence in that voice. To achieve full accuracy, the audience needs to be made aware by clear labelling which facts are applicable to which nations of the UK.

Some two years after the King Report the BBC is still failing to comply with the recommendations of the BBC Trust and nearly 12 years after its document "Programme Response to Devolution" it is still failing "to offer all viewers and listeners a true sense of the diversity within the UK".

Part of the problem may lie in the way the BBC measures its compliance of its public service obligation. Under its Operating Remit of 2007 it states that, "the Trust will use a system of quantitative measures." It is not so much the validity of the complaint as the quantity of complaints that is measured it would seem. I would therefore suggest that anyone who feels that the current situation is unsatisfactory after a period of twelve years of broken commitments should complain to http://www.bbc.co.uk/complaints/homepage where Sir Michael Lyons confirms that "your complaint is important to us."

The attitude of the Any Questions? programme in respect of Wales is, I think, emblematic of a more fundamental metropolitan mindset in the BBC; reflected for example in their approach to the last general election and the broadcasting of the leadership debates. The lavish salary structures of BBC executives and the inability of the BBC Trust to ensure the BBC provides an understanding of the devolution settlement across the UK raises serious questions as to whether the BBC is sufficiently accountable. As the new UK government starts to take the knife to the civil service the question is how, and by whom, will the BBC, privileged as it is to impose an annual flat tax on television usage, be taken to task to ensure it honours its commitments?

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